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Foreword, Acknowledgments, Contents, Acronyms and Abbreviations, Definitions
I. Developing Asia and the World
Developing Asia and the Pacific: Performance and Prospects
Outlook for 2006 and 2007
Medium-term prospects and challenges
>>Risks
Prospects for the World Economy in 2006-2007
Subregional Summaries
Textiles and Clothing in the Post-Quota Era: The Outlook for Asian Suppliers
The Doha Development Agenda: Asian Challenges and Prospects after the Ministerial Meeting in Hong Kong, China
II. Economic trends and prospects in developing Asia
III. Routes for Asia's Trade
Statistical appendix
Asian Development Outlook 2006 : I. Developing Asia and the World : Developing Asia and the Pacific: Performance and Prospects

Risks

This generally positive outlook for developing Asia could muddy for several reasons. Avian flu continues to spread in bird populations, and although it is difficult to quantify what the ultimate economic costs would be of a global pandemic among humans, the short-term costs are likely to be substantial (Box 1.1.4). Poor countries in Asia would face immense challenges in coping with the stresses that would be placed on health and social infrastructure and on public services.

Global payments imbalances are, if anything, likely to widen in 2006, and maybe beyond. But encouraging signs of a more balanced profile of growth are emerging among the major industrial economies and some narrowing of the savings and investment gap in Asia may be in prospect. Nevertheless, underlying structural imbalances are unlikely to correct themselves quickly and the possibility remains that a shift in investor preferences—which are, after all, volatile—will precipitate a sharp fall in the real value of the US dollar. Views about the extent of the required depreciation, its timing, and whether adjustments are likely to be smooth or sharp, vary widely. The most troubling scenario would be one in which the US dollar showed an abrupt and sharp depreciation. This would almost inevitably be accompanied by an increase in long-term US interest rates. Asia could then get caught in a double bind: not only would its exports to US markets become more expensive in US dollar terms, but domestic demand in the US could sag under the weight of higher market interest rates. As developing Asia is still highly dependent on the US as a market for its final goods, as seen in Part 3, this could stall an important engine of Asia's growth. In these circumstances, inflationary pressures in Asia would be tempered and monetary policy could be eased, but opportunities to support demand through fiscal expansion would be constrained. Better coordination of macroeconomic policies at an international level could help mitigate this risk.

Looking further out, the quality of Asia's growth poses risks. Economic growth has taken a high toll on the environment, to the point where threats to water and other resources could increasingly constrain growth. The incidence of environmental disasters appears to be increasing and this has now captured the attention of policy makers in the PRC and in other countries. As Asia continues to modernize and industrialize, it must find ways to promote cleaner production and technologies as well as greater energy efficiency. Markets and incentives, together with controls and regulations, have an important role to play.

Finally, the prospects for developing Asia will be imperiled if inequality continues to widen and growth does not provide jobs for its massive population. At least 500 million people in the region were either unemployed or underemployed in 2005, out of a total labor force of 1.75 billion. Between 2005 and 2015, another 245 million people will be added to the labor force. Developing Asia therefore needs to find almost three quarters of a billion new jobs in the next decade. If it fails to do this, its growth is unlikely to prove durable over the long run as social and other stresses—including badly overcrowded cities—increasingly consume resources and constrain opportunities. Ultimately, these jobs will not be provided if countries retreat into protectionism and turn their backs on trade liberalization, or fail to undertake other complementary reforms that will elicit the necessary supply responses.

1.1.4  The economic risk of avian flu

The possibility of an influenza pandemic is a major uncertainty facing the region's economy. Since early 2004, the H5N1 influenza virus, commonly known as "avian flu," has been spreading quickly in poultry populations throughout the region. Avian flu has been detected in birds in more than 30 countries, from East Asia (where it originated) to Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. It has already severely curtailed the export of poultry products from a number of countries and has led to the deaths of millions of birds. In economic terms, estimated costs are in the range of $10 billion—$15 billion. Since backyard farming is a major source of income for many rural households in the region, avian flu has contributed to the already high level of rural poverty.

Public health experts fear that the H5N1 virus could mutate and become a human influenza. Around 200 people have caught avian flu directly from infected birds and more than half of them have died. Each animal-to-human infection raises the possibility that the virus will mutate. As humans have no natural immunity against this particular virus, it would spread quickly across the globe. What would the consequences of a human influenza pandemic be?

The world has little experience with flu pandemics. In the 20th century, there were only three. The first, in 1918, killed an estimated 2.5—5.0% of the world's population in a short period. It killed more people than the First World War. Two other pandemics were milder, although they did kill substantially more people than the normal seasonal flu.

One thing that all of these flu pandemics had in common was that they originated with a form of avian influenza that subsequently mutated. If the virus mutates, it will take a heavy human toll. The World Health Organization's most optimistic estimates are that it will lead to between 2 million and 7 million deaths. Other estimates are significantly higher. While the human cost would be substantial, it would also have important economic ramifications.

The severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak in 2003 caused a major, albeit short-term, economic shock localized in the affected economies. This highlighted the importance of psychology on the demand side.

The Asian Development Bank made projections of the impact of a SARS-like demand shock coupled with the epidemiological estimates of the World Health Organization (available at http://adb.org/Documents/EDRC/Policy_Briefs/PB042.pdf). These estimates suggest that avian flu would lead to a severe economic shock in the Asia and Pacific region, with economic consequences in the range of $100 billion—$300 billion. At its worse, this would essentially halt economic growth for 1 year and throw the world into an economic recession, the first global recession since 1982.

While the economic impact of avian flu would be severe, in all likelihood it would not be long lasting. Economic activity would likely return to "normal" within 1 year and reach pre-pandemic levels in 2—3 years. Although the aggregate impact of avian flu is likely to be brief, its impact would not be felt uniformly.

Services sectors would be severely affected, as people reduce their "face-to-face" contact. Internationally traded services, such as tourism, management consulting, and international banking, would be especially hard hit. Investment decisions would be delayed and trade would slow.

Economies that have a significant share of services in their economies would be the most affected—and the impact greater and longer lasting. This includes advanced economies, such as Hong Kong, China and Singapore, and countries that receive significant international tourism, such as Cambodia and Thailand. Larger economies, such as People's Republic of China, India, and Indonesia, are less dependent on international trade and so would feel a smaller economic impact.


Reference

Mlachila, Montfort and Yongzheng Yang. 2004. "The End of Textile Quotas: A Case Study of Bangladesh." IMF Working Paper 04/108. June.



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